Bashir and Genocide in Sudan: Second time lucky for the OTP

Yesterday, Pre-Trial Chamber I issued a second decision on the prosecution’s application for an arrest warrant against Omar Al Bashir for charges of genocide. This decision follows the March 2009 decision by PTC I, which had initially rejected the genocide charges, and the February 2010 Appeals Chamber judgment overturning the decision, because the wrong standard of proof had been applied. In effect, the first PTC I decision had considered that genocidal intent had to be the only reasonable conclusion. The AC held that this was too stringent a standard at this stage of the proceedings, and that the OTP only needs to show that genocidal intent is one reasonable conclusion.

Given this state of affairs, it is not surprising that PTC I amended its original decision to include three charges of genocide, which are to be the subject of a separate warrant of arrest. As I had argued back in February, I think that this is the correct standard to be applied at this stage of the proceedings, so there is nothing much to add on the decision itself. I would nonetheless like to raise one point before I consider other issues: the binding effect of Appeal Chamber decisions. Indeed, the PTC considers that:

1. It must be established at the outset that the key findings of the Appeals Decision [sic] are binding on the Chamber in this case and determine the scope of the present decision.

Stare decisis makes sense as a rule of thumb, but I couldn’t find it anywhere in the Statute or the RPE (it was a cursory reading, so please correct me if I missed it). Also, the PTC gives no source for its statement, when it is usual for it to refer to the relevant provisions of the Statute. So I wonder whether there is in fact a rule of binding precedent at the ICC and what would be the consequences of its absence if a PTC were to systematically decide not to follow a debatable AC interpretation of the Statute.

Beyond this, the decision touches upon some other broader considerations, which have been raised elsewhere. 
For one I agree with William Schabas, that the Prosecutor will still need to prove genocide during trial (if it ever takes place) and the case-law of the ICTY shows how hard that can turn out to be. More generally, this over-reliance on genocide as a political tool is problematic, and in my view also counter-productive. Regular readers of this blog will already know my criticism of the haphazard use of the “genocide label” and the fact that I actually call (with little chance of success) for the removal of genocide as an international crime.
I also agree with Dapo Akande, that the Court is systematically not dealing with the issue of Head of State immunity, given the fact that Sudan is not a State party. His way to deal with that is to apply the reading of the Genocide Convention done by the ICJ in the Genocide Case, according to which a party to the Convention would have an obligation which would call for State Parties of the ICC to cooperate with the ICC in Bashir’s arrest, as an international court dealing with Genocide the jurisdiction of which they have accepted, as provided by Article VI of the Convention, and this would apply irrespective of immunities which are explicitly removed by article IV of the Convention. 
I’m personally a little weary of all those “new” elements being read into the genocide convention over the years (like the claim that it gives rise to State responsibility for genocide…). More specifically, I would say that given that the Convention does not enact universal jurisdiction, the obligation to cooperate with an international tribunal can only rest on a State which actually has a duty to prosecute under the Convention, i.e, the territorial State. In any case, I think this reasoning cannot be applied to non-State parties to the ICC, given that they won’t have accepted the jurisdiction of the Court. 
The question of immunity is just one of many that arise from the application of the Security Council referral to a non-State party. I remain convinced that the whole mechanism, which basically gives power to the Security Council to make a treaty binding on a State which is not a party to it, is contrary to international law… but I fear that in this case, just as when I argue for the end of genocide as an international crime, I am fighting a already lost war…

The Lubanga Trial is stayed, the slapstick comedy continues… but isn’t the joke wearing a little thin?

Yesterday, Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court ordered another stay of proceedings in the Lubanga case because the Prosecutor is consistently refusing to apply orders made by the Court to disclose to the Defense the identity of an victims intermediary, following claims of misconduct. The Chamber had found that there was no security risk for the intermediary in the event of a partial disclosure to selected persons, confirmed by the Victims and Witnesses Unit. Despite this, the Prosecutor argued that:

The Prosecution is sensitive to its obligation to comply with the Chamber’s instructions. However, it also has an independent statutory obligation to protect persons put at risk on account of the Prosecution’s actions. It should not comply, or be asked to comply, with an Order that may require it to violate its separate statutory obligation by subjecting the person to foreseeable risk. The Prosecutor accordingly has made a determination that the Prosecution would rather face adverse consequences in its litigation than expose a person to risk on account of prior interaction with this Office. This is not a challenge to the authority of the Chamber, it is instead a reflection of the Prosecution’s own legal duty under the Statute.

 To which the Chamber answered:

27. No criminal court can operate on the basis that whenever it makes an order in a particular area, it is for the Prosecutor to elect whether or not to implement it, depending on his interpretation of his obligations. The judges, not the Prosecutor, decide on protective measures during the trial, once the Chamber is seized of the relevant issue, as regards victims, witnesses and others affected by the work of the Court, and the prosecution cannot choose to ignore its rulings. It is for the Chamber to determine whether protective measures are necessary (following consultation with the VWU under Article 68(4) of the Statute); their nature; and whether they are consistent with the accused’s right to a fair trial. These are issues for the Court, and the Court alone, to determine, having heard submissions and having considered all the information the judges consider necessary and relevant. The Prosecutor now claims a separate authority which can defeat the orders of the Court, and which thereby involves a profound, unacceptable and unjustified intrusion into the role of the judiciary.

28. The Prosecutor has chosen to prosecute this accused. In the Chamber’s judgment, he cannot be allowed to continue with this prosecution if he seeks to reserve to himself the right to avoid the Court’s orders whenever he decides that they are inconsistent with his interpretation of his other obligations. In order for the Chamber to ensure that the accused receives a fair trial, it is necessary that its orders, decisions and rulings are respected, unless and until they are overturned on appeal, or suspended by order of the Court.

 As a consequence:

31. Therefore, the Prosecutor has elected to act unilaterally in the present circumstances, and he declines to be “checked” by the Chamber. In these overall circumstances, it is necessary to stay these proceedings as an abuse of the process of the Court because of the material non-compliance with the Chamber’s orders of 7 July 2010, and more generally, because of the Prosecutor’s clearly evinced intention not to implement the Chamber’s orders that are made in an Article 68 context, if he considers they conflict with his interpretation of the prosecution’s other obligations. Whilst these circumstances endure, the fair trial of the accused is no longer possible, and justice cannot be done, not least because the judges will have lost control of a significant aspect of the trial proceedings as provided under the Rome Statute framework.

This is not the first time that the proceedings are slowed down due to prosecutorial delay. Some years ago, he had failed to disclose evidence obtained through the UN, which had led to a stay of proceedings, and even a decision on the release of Lubanga (which was of course overturned on appeal). The Prosecutor had grudgingly complied with the order at the time, but this time clearly claims that he would be under a Statutory obligation not to comply.
The Chamber’s irritation with the Prosecutor is apparently reaching new levels, and it is interesting that it evokes the possibility of applying Article 71 of the Statute, which provides that

“the Court may sanction persons present before it who commit misconduct, including disruption of its proceedings or deliberate refusal to comply with its directions, by administrative measures other than imprisonment, such as temporary or permanent removal from the courtroom, a fine or other similar measures provided for in the Rules of Procedure and Evidence.”

The possible sanction, according to the RPE (rule 171), are up to 30 days of removal from the proceedings and even, if the person is an official of the Court, up to 30 days of interdiction of exercising their function before the Court. In the unlikely event that the Chamber did apply this to Mr. Ocampo, he could swap stories with Garzon on the scandalous limitations to judicial independence for those untiring defenders of universal rights… But it would be unfair to put all the blame on the Prosecutor for the delays in the Lubanga Trial. The judges, with the Requalification of Charges fiasco, also have contributed to turning this first ICC Trial in a textbook case of poor judicial management.

Indeed, beyond this case, is highlighted once again the difficult interaction between the Prosecutor and the Chambers, and the continuing struggle for “power” over the proceedings, which has not failed to come up at every step of the proceedings, whether at the pre-investigative phase, when the PTCs tried to force OTP  decisions in CAR and Sudan, in the investigative phase, with the issue of victim participation, in the case selection, with the prosecution wrestling full control over gravity from spineless chambers, and now in the trial phase. It’s difficult to know if the problem is structural (multiplying institutions with more, and therefore conflicting powers), or personal, due to the particular approach adopted by the OTP. But if it does last, it can only end badly, for the defendants, for victims, for the long-term legitimacy of the Court, and ultimately for the credibility of international justice…

Palestine and the ICC (follow-up): asking the right question and giving the wrong answer

Following our (really long) online debate some months back (see here and here), Michael Kearney has published another opinion on the declaration of the PA under article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. It very clearly highlights the different approaches to Palestinian Statehood and argues (along with Alain Pellet, who issued his own opinion on this) that a functional approach should be adopted to allow the declaration of the PA under 12(3). The paper might be called “asking the right question”, but I fear once again that it’s not giving the right answers…
I won’t redo all the debate again, but I have two nagging questions that remain unanswered for me in this reasoning.

1) One argument is that the PA has criminal jurisdiction over the crimes, so it can transfer the jurisdiction. But how is material jurisdiction over the crimes relevant for 12(3)? This provision follows 12(2)  which provides that:

In the case of article 13, paragraph (a) or (c), the Court may exercise its jurisdiction if one or more of the following States are Parties to this Statute or have accepted the jurisdiction of the Court in accordance with paragraph 3:

(a) The State on the territory of which the conduct in question occurred or, if the crime was committed on board a vessel or aircraft, the State of registration of that vessel or aircraft;

(b) The State of which the person accused of the crime is a national.

 There is no mention of material jurisdiction here. It’s territory and nationality. Criminal jurisdiction over the crime is actually not a criteria under article 12 which is not a question of transfer of jurisdiction, but acceptance of jurisdiction in relation to territory and nationality. If not this would have two strange consequences 1) let’s imagine a State where a certain war crime was committed but where the prosecution of such a crime would not be possible under its national criminal code. It could still become a Party or make a 12(3) declaration. Making criminal jurisdiction an extra criteria under 12 would mean that the ICC could only prosecute crimes in States which have themselves provided for the prosecution of the crime. Hardly the will of the drafters… 2) at the other extreme, it would mean that any State having implemented universal jurisdiction could make a 12(3) declaration. Criminal jurisdiction is only relevant when it comes to complementarity and whoever claims that it is relevant for article 12 needs to show me through what magic the two criteria of 12(2) (territory and nationality) suddenly became three…

2) A simple question: would you agree that the phrasing of the provision which talks about a “State which is not a Party to this Statute”, implies that an entity that can make a declaration under 12(3) is also an entity that can actually sign the Rome Statute? I personally don’t see any other interpretation of 12(3), and in that case, it begs the further question: if you’re supporting the PA’s declaration, why not support its signature of the Statute? That would certainly send a strong message to the international community and force the ASP to come up with a clear answer as to what is a “State” for the meaning of the Rome Statute.

I look forward to some answers!

Dead…and Guilty: Decision in Delic finally reached!

Over 9 weeks after the death of Rasim Delic during the appellate procedure at the ICTY, the Appeals Chamber has finally reached a decision on the termination of the proceedings. It’s an interesting case, because it is the first time that an appellate body of an international criminal tribunal has to deal with such a situation. In all other cases, the person had died before completion of trial proceedings. Both Delic’s lawyer and the prosecutor had filed motions in support of the continuation of the proceedings, based on the interests of justice and of the family’s right to know the truth.
Several legal issues of interest had to be considered, which I briefly laid down at the time of his death. Basically, 1) should the proceedings continue and 2) if they are terminated, what happens to the trial judgment.

In its decision, the Appeals Chamber decides to terminate the proceedings and render the trial judgment final.
On the first point, it argues for the termination based on the personal jurisdiction of the Court, citing examples from other tribunals having dealt with this issue.
On the second point, the Chamber first shows that there is no uniform practice among civil law and common law traditions that would enable it to establish a general principle of law applicable to the specific situation. It therefore does an analysis based on the nature of the appellate proceedings, where contrary to trial, the presumption of innocence does not apply. It therefore concludes that (§15):

“Having found that the death of the appellant results in the termination of the proceedings and given that no appeal judgment can be rendered in this case, nothing can undermine the finality of the Trial Judgment. As a consequence, the Trial Judgment shall be considered final”.

It’s not a surprising decision on the substance, and the Chamber did make an effort to provide reasoned arguments, in difficult circumstances where, as often, judges have been left to deal with poor drafting and a most amazing normative void. There are however some questions that can still be raised on the argumentation.

For one, the Chamber draws no link whatsoever between the two aspects of the decision, the termination of the proceedings and the finality of the trial judgment. It decides to terminate the proceedings, and then in effect uses that finding as a reason to declare the judgment final. But the question of the presumption of innocence is also central to the termination of proceedings. Indeed, when trial chambers in various courts have terminated proceedings, the person benefited from the presumption of innocence and therefore died innocent. That is not the case at the appellate stage, according to the Appeals Chamber’s reading of the ICTY framework. This is a fundamental difference and should have at least warranted some discussion on the part of the judges.

Second of all, one can question the link between the lack of presumption of innocence at the appellate level and the finality of the trial judgment. One could argue that it is mostly a procedural question, with a different distribution of the burden and standard of proof at this stage of the proceedings, and has no impact on the finality of the trial judgment, especially as the whole point of the Appeal is that the trial judgment is not final. It’s a false “but for” causality approach. “But for” the Appeal, the trial judgment would be final. But that is always the case, even if there were application of the presumption of innocence at the appellate stage! For example, where a Prosecutor has appealed an acquittal, the death of the defendant could still be said to finalize the trial judgment, despite the presumption of innocence certainly applying to these crimes for which the acquittal was pronounced… I therefore think the Court should have found another basis for its ruling. And no, I don’t have any other ideas, given that I personally would have put an end to the proceedings ab initio. This would be based on a global concept of criminal proceedings that include both Trial and Appeal phases, both degrees of jurisdiction being actually recognised by human rights instruments as part of fair trial rights, their conditional application being solely dependent on the exercise of the right by the accused, which he did here.

Third of all, the Appeals Chamber touches upon a persistent grey area, namely the nature of the appellate proceedings. It might not be a trial de novo and the presumption of innocence might not apply, as the Appeals Chamber claims, but how is that compatible with the systematic practice of the Chamber to review evidence in a similar fashion to a Trial Chamber, increase sentences and even sometimes reverse “not guilty” findings, where you can’t really argue that the presumption of innocence doesn’t apply! There are several ways in dealing with these difficulties, especially in the last situation, by for example denying a right of appeal for the prosecutor in cases of not guilty verdicts, or requiring automatic remanding to a trial chamber, as is the case for most systems where the Appeals Chamber has a similar role. Right now, the Chamber has devised a system where it can have its cake and eat it, depending on the flavor…

Finally, and more generally, the 9 weeks it has taken to issue a 9 page decision (including the procedural history) essentially based on legal opinion in the absence of statutory rules, following the 18 months during which the appeals judgment was not rendered in what was not the most complicated case in the history of international justice, is a further testimony to the Tribunal’s chronic incapacity to render justice in a efficient way in conformity with fundamental fair trial requirements. You could even say that if the Appeals Chamber had done its job correctly the issue of Delic’s death might not have been an issue at all…
And the worst part is that the tribunals don’t even seem to acknowledge this difficulty, hiding, among other things, behind the complexity of the situations. This recent decision at the ICTR is interesting in that respect, where more than 9 years of detention before the trial judgment and more than 2 years without an Appeals Judgment being rendered was not considered undue delay! See particularly the dissenting opinion where Judge Short clearly finds that it is undue delay, and specifically considers the appalling personnel management of the ICTR, which assigns too many cases to the judges, thus preventing speedy justice.

World Cup Interlude

Since the beginning of the World Cup, I’ve been racking my brain to find some link with international law to justify posting about it. I did find this unlikely link a few weeks ago, when Bashir was threatened with arrest if he showed up for the opening match. Since then, there hasn’t been much.

You could probably find some international law connection with the two Dutch supporters arrested for wearing orange mini skirts offered by a beer brand not a official sponsor. According to this article, there seems to be an exceptional national law that allows for the arrest. One would have to see the conformity of this with constitutional norms and international human rights standards…

Even more of a stretch would be to discuss the international law nature of FIFA regulations in light of its hypothetical status as an international organisation. It’s technically an association under Swiss law, with the national football federations (and not States) as its members  (thank you to an astute reader for pointing that out to me). But with some “outside the box” thinking, one could come up with a de facto nature as an international organisation, in light of its powers… I said it was a stretch! If that works out, what kind of international law responsibility wouldit have following mistakes made by referees, which are arguably its agents? When you see the outlandish decision disallowing the third US goal yesterday, it’s a legitimate question.

In relation to that, you could also make a study of international law interpretation when referees systematically penalize forwards trying to prevent the ball from going out for a goal kick, when the defender is blocking it. This is clearly an obstruction, as the defender never has any intention of playing the ball. But it is tolerated here, because beyond the black-letter interpretation of the law, it supposedly fits with the “object and purpose” of the rules. So the question beckons: does the Vienna Treaty apply to FIFA game rules?

Apart from these vague links with international law, the only topics I could think of are: the ridiculous decision of FIFA to prevent local vendors from selling food around stadiums to protect official sponsors, thus defeating the purpose of having a world cup in Africa, the surprisingly poor level of some of the major teams such as Spain and England, the unsurprisingly poor level of France, the more than annoying vuvuzelas, tolerated because they are supposedly “traditional”, when in fact they are a mere savvy commercial endeavor…

No, as much as I would want to, I can’t come up with any really relevant topics justifying a post on the World Cup on this blog…